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Dr Ruth Fox
Director , Hansard Society
Ruth is responsible for the strategic direction and performance of the Society and leads its research programme. She has appeared before more than a dozen parliamentary select committees and inquiries, and regularly contributes to a wide range of current affairs programmes on radio and television, commentating on parliamentary process and political reform.
In 2012 she served as adviser to the independent Commission on Political and Democratic Reform in Gibraltar, and in 2013 as an independent member of the Northern Ireland Assembly’s Committee Review Group. Prior to joining the Society in 2008, she was head of research and communications for a Labour MP and Minister and ran his general election campaigns in 2001 and 2005 in a key marginal constituency.
In 2004 she worked for Senator John Kerry’s presidential campaign in the battleground state of Florida. In 1999-2001 she worked as a Client Manager and historical adviser at the Public Record Office (now the National Archives), after being awarded a PhD in political history (on the electoral strategy and philosophy of the Liberal Party 1970-1983) from the University of Leeds, where she also taught Modern European History and Contemporary International Politics.
Dr Brigid Fowler
Senior Researcher, Hansard Society
Brigid joined the Hansard Society in December 2016 to lead its work on Parliament and Brexit, as well as contribute to its ongoing research on the legislative process, parliamentary procedure and scrutiny, and public political engagement. From 2007 to 2014 she was a Committee Specialist for the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, where she led on the Committee’s EU-related work. In the first six months of 2016 she was on the research team of Britain Stronger in Europe. She has also worked as assistant to an MEP in Brussels and as an analyst and researcher on EU and European affairs in the private sector and at the University of Birmingham and King’s College London.
After completing BA and MPhil degrees at the University of Oxford in PPE and European Politics, respectively, she spent the first part of her career focusing on the politics of post-communist transition and EU accession in Central Europe, and completed her PhD at the University of Birmingham on the case of Hungary. She has given media comment, appeared before select committees and published several journal articles and book contributions.
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European Scrutiny Committee: Average attendance rates of Conservative and Labour Members, 2010-22, by parliamentary Session • Percentage of meetings attended per Session (or part thereof during which MP was a Member of the Committee)
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| Dictumst | Libero | Pellentesque | Viverra |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1000 | 2% | Arcu | -12 |
| 54 | 18% | Quam | -5 |
| 23 | 12% | Varius | +16 |
| 675 | 55% | Risus | -3 |
| 13 | 64% | Non quis | -78 |
| 854 | 9% | Morbi | +32 |
| 38 | 88% | Dolor | +2 |
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Coronavirus-related and non-Coronavirus-related Statutory Instruments by week • The number of Coronavirus-related and non-Coronavirus-related Statutory Instruments laid before Parliament by week, 27 January 2020-3 March 2022
Coronavirus-related Statutory Instruments by Government department • The number of Coronavirus-related Statutory Instruments laid before Parliament by different Government departments
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The main objectives and core substance of policy should, in principle, always be set out in primary legislation. Delegated legislation should only be used for minor updates or technical details. In recent years, however, this boundary has become increasingly blurred.
Historically, delegated legislation was designed for prescribing matters of administrative and technical detail, not substantive policy decisions. Gradually, however, the threshold that determines what goes into primary and delegated legislation has become less clear.
Although this boundary between primary and delegated legislation cannot be easily and precisely defined, it has become increasingly blurred.
Parliamentary democracy is now being undermined as wide delegated powers – granting Government Ministers more and more discretion to define policy through delegated legislation – are becoming commonplace.
Today, significant policy decisions are being enacted by Ministers via Statutory Instrument (SI) – the most common form of delegated legislation – with little scrutiny by Parliament.
These include the creation of criminal offences, measures that infringe people’s rights, and financial rules with substantial implications for businesses and individuals.
In recent years, delegated powers have been used to make legislation to:
allow fracking under English National Parks and World Heritage Sites;
put in place drastic limitations on peoples’ lives in response to the Coronavirus pandemic;
establish the entire UK REACH regulatory regime for the post-Brexit control of chemicals use; and
make changes to planning and development rules, to allow certain buildings to be demolished or extended without planning permission.
Click the links below to learn more about the powers used in the legislation (then follow the relevant link in the pop-up to return to this section).
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Delegated powers are often drafted in vague, imprecise or subjective language that can be open to divergent interpretation. Parliament is therefore handing over open-ended legislative authority to Ministers, as it is hard to predict exactly what these powers can and will be used for.
Delegated powers are increasingly sought and relied on in situations where legislative details are unknown (and sometimes unknowable) at the time the Act is passed. This has led to a growth in powers that are drafted using vague language, providing flexibility for Ministers to respond to events as needed.
Such powers often contain wording that renders them widely open-ended. A power may, for example, permit a Minister to make provision they consider “appropriate”; to “improve” certain measures; or to “engage in conduct”.
Some Bills also include a power that enables Ministers to ensure provisions remain fit for purpose in the future. People may reasonably have different interpretations about what these powers permit and do not permit. In such cases, Ministers are given considerable room for manoeuvre. This may be especially problematic if a new Minister discovers powers on the statue book passed by a previous Parliament and uses them in ways that had not previously been contemplated.
Broadly drawn powers such as these cannot be effectively scrutinised as parliamentarians are unclear what purposes they will be used for. This approach enables Ministers to legislate with limited parliamentary scrutiny, in areas of policy or in response to events which are undefined and unknown at the time the power is granted.
Many Acts include powers to make provision that is “supplementary, incidental, consequential, transitional, transitory or saving”. Such powers appear intended as a ‘catch-all’ or safety net and so are inherently vaguely worded.
Click the links below to learn more about the powers used in the legislation (then follow the relevant link in the pop-up to return to this section).
Facilisi cras fermentum odio eu feugiat pretium nibh ipsum consequat. Gravida rutrum quisque non tellus orci ac auctor.
There is a growing number of Bills that rely on delegated powers, instead of detailed provision, to implement policy. These ‘skeleton’ Bills cannot be effectively understood and scrutinised by Parliament, since the policy the Government intends to enact through the Bill remains unclear.
‘Skeleton’ Bills (or ‘framework’ Bills) contain delegated powers instead of policy. These Bills, whether fully or partially skeletal, can be so lacking in policy substance that their true meaning cannot be known prior to the delegated legislation made under them. Why are ‘skeleton’ Bills used?
In circumstances where policy development is incomplete – or simply where administrative convenience is sought – ‘skeleton’ Bills provide Ministers with the freedom to act later. Parliament, however, cannot meaningfully scrutinise a Bill that does not explain how the powers contained within it will be used.
Click the links below to learn more about the powers used in the legislation (then follow the relevant link in the pop-up to return to this section).
The Levelling-up and Regeneration Bill (no example?)
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The increasing use of ‘Henry VIII’ powers challenges the constitutional principle that Parliament is the ultimate source of law. These powers enable Ministers to amend, repeal or otherwise alter the effect of primary legislation and can have serious constitutional implications.
In 1539, King Henry VIII attempted to give his proclamations the same validity as laws passed by Parliament through the ‘Statute of Proclamations’. The House of Commons rejected these demands, asserting that the King’s proclamations could not alter Acts of Parliament, nor interfere with existing rights.
Despite this, his name is today used as a shorthand to describe delegated powers that allow Government Ministers to modify Acts of Parliament. ‘Henry VIII’ powers are controversial because they allow the will of Parliament – the ultimate source of law – to be overridden.
The use of ‘Henry VIII’ powers challenges the constitutional principle that Parliament is the sole legislative authority with the power to create, amend or repeal law. If Acts of Parliament can be overridden by Ministerial discretion, these powers – now relatively common – call into question the purpose of Parliament’s detailed scrutiny of Bills.
One area of particular concern is the now-routine inclusion of a power for Ministers to implement an Act by making ‘supplementary provision’. These allow the Minister to make further consequential or incidental legislative changes and can even include a power to amend the Act itself. This approach can contribute to lowering legislative standards by removing the need to make sure legislation is thoroughly drafted before its introduction.
Click the links below to learn more about the powers used in the legislation (then follow the relevant link in the pop-up to return to this section).
Welsh Tax Acts etc. (Power to Modify) Act 2022 (no example?)
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As the number of wide delegated powers on the statute book increases, it becomes easier for the Government to argue for even broader powers, by pointing to the precedent set by other powers. This creates a ‘ratchet effect’ whereby the volume and breadth of powers gradually increases over time.
When Parliament accepts controversial powers in a Bill, it creates a precedent that makes it politically easier for the Government to argue in favour of taking similar powers in subsequent Bills.
Parliamentarians can become desensitised by overexposure to what was once constitutionally controversial, creating a ‘normalisation’ or ‘ratchet’ effect, which leads to ever wider powers being sought, defended, and granted.
This effect can also be seen in how legislation is approached by the civil service, which has been described as “addicted” to delegated legislation, and with having a “button on the computer” to add certain delegated powers to Bills.
Once on the statute book, powers can be pointed to as examples of existing practice. Any controversy that existed at the time of drafting and granting will not necessarily be apparent from the black letter of the law.
There may also be an element of ‘cherry-picking’ in arguing from precedent. The Government could, for example, use an existing power to argue for a new one, while ignoring any parliamentary scrutiny safeguards attached to the existing power.
Click the links below to learn more about the powers used in the legislation (then follow the relevant link in the pop-up to return to this section).
Facilisi cras fermentum odio eu feugiat pretium nibh ipsum consequat. Gravida rutrum quisque non tellus orci ac auctor.
A wide power can be used in unexpected ways, years – or even decades – after it was granted. This presents a political risk both for a Government seeking or using a wide power, as in each situation it is unclear what legislative authority Parliament has granted.
Because delegated powers are often drafted in a vague or open way, a wide variety of actions may be taken using them. This openness is often necessary where future needs and trends cannot be predicted with precision. However, it creates the risk of powers being used in ways that were not – or could not have been – anticipated or expected by Parliament.
Powers sought by one Government for one reason can therefore be used by another Government for an entirely different purpose. This entails political risks for both Governments and question marks over the democratic legitimacy of such measures.
This problem can become acute when a power demonstrably allows for wider action than the Government’s stated plans or objectives for that power. Ministers often promise not to misuse the powers they are granted. However, Parliament must assess delegated powers not just on how the incumbent Minister proposes to use them, but also on how they could be used by any future successor.
Disagreements can also arise when more than one power could be used to enact certain measures, especially if they have different scrutiny requirements. For example, there was controversy over the use of powers in the Public Health Act 1984 to implement coronavirus restrictions, rather than the Civil Contingencies Act 2003.
Click the links below to learn more about the powers used in the legislation (then follow the relevant link in the pop-up to return to this section).
[[ NEED EXAMPLE PARENT ACTS ]]
Tax Credits SI (Coalition using powers taken by the Labour Govt)
Icelandic banks SI (shutting down assets using powers in terrorism legislation)
GMO SI (relaxing EU rules on genetic modification under powers granted during EU membership)
Covid SIs/CCA (as above)
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It is currently too easy for the Government to bypass Parliament by simply claiming a situation is urgent. Legislating at speed squeezes opportunities for parliamentary scrutiny. While delegated legislation is a valuable tool for responding rapidly in emergencies, urgent powers are too often used with little justification.
It is usually much quicker to legislate via delegated – rather than primary – legislation. However, various rules and conventions limit the speed at which delegated legislation can be made and enter into force.
For example, Statutory Instruments (SIs) subject to the 'affirmative' procedure must normally be approved by Parliament before they can be made into law. SIs subject to the 'negative' procedure must normally be laid before Parliament at least 21 days before they enter into force (the ‘21-day rule’).
However, these safeguards can often be disposed of by Government with surprisingly little Parliament can do about it. This is problematic because excessive urgency squeezes the time available for parliamentary scrutiny. It can also lead to legislation being rushed and of poorer quality, a lack of awareness among the public about what the law is, and policy work being done after an Instrument has been laid.
For example, between January 2020 and October 2021, just over 500 Coronavirus-related Statutory Instruments were laid before Parliament. Of these, 91 were made using the ‘emergency procedure’ power in the Public Health Act 1984. This emergency procedure allowed an SI to become law before being scrutinised, undermining accountability and turning Parliament into a rubber stamp. Similarly worded emergency powers exist elsewhere on the statute book, but using them does not normally place significant additional burdens on the Minister: they do not have to provide evidence as to why the matter is urgent or even make a statement to Parliament justifying their claim of urgency. It is too easy for the Government to resort to ‘urgent powers’ without having to justify their decision to Parliament.
Not all powers are accompanied by a specific ‘urgent procedure’. In contrast, the 21-day rule applies to all SIs laid under the negative procedure. But this rule cannot be enforced (though the JCSI will report such Instruments). It can even be possible for an SI to come into force before being laid before Parliament, so long as the Speaker is notified of that fact. The JCSI has suspected that this process “is being invoked for non-essential reasons, for example, delays within Government, administrative errors or forgetting to lay the instrument in a timely manner.”
Click the links below to learn more about the powers used in the legislation (then follow the relevant link in the pop-up to return to this section).
Public Health Act and face-covering regulations
Social Security (return to work) regulations
HFSS SI
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Updated daily – Every SI laid before the Westminster Parliament is added to the Tracker. You can view the SIs in the online app and also opt into our daily email alert.
View the critical information in one place – Details of the parent Act, the scrutiny procedure, scrutiny deadlines, the 'made' and coming-into-force dates, Committee reports, debate transcripts and related SIs are consolidated in one place so you can view them and the links you need from one page.
Identify key dates – The next steps in the parliamentary process, including the dates for Committee meetings, debates and approval motions in each House, are set out in a clear and accessible way.
Find an SI – Filter SIs by policy sector, or search for SIs by number, department, scrutiny procedure or keyword.
Fine tune your monitoring – Create your own watch-list of SIs to track via your personal dashboard. There's no limit: save as few or as many SIs to the dashboard as you want, all at the touch of a button.
Keep on top of an SI's progress – As SIs on your watch-list make their way through Parliament, keep up to date with what happens to them via in-app notifications and email alerts (for example, when a Committee meeting or Chamber debate is scheduled, a report is published, or an SI is withdrawn).
Focus your efforts at the right moment – Use the in-app calendar to stay on top of critical deadlines so you always know what’s coming up and what to focus on next.
Stay informed – All Government consultations on draft SIs, and consultations that give an indication they could result in SIs, are added to the SI Tracker® each week. View the consultations in the app and opt into the weekly email alert.
Find a consultation – Filter all consultations by policy sector, or search by keyword.
Make your voice heard as early as possible – All the information you need to respond to a consultation in a timely way can be accessed from one page, including the consultation publication and the deadline for submissions.
Keep up to date – Add a consultation to your watch-list and you’ll be notified about updates, including when the Government publishes a response or when any resulting SIs are laid before Parliament.
Save time – Monitoring 1000+ regulations each year is a painstaking task and the parliamentary process is complex, so it’s easy to miss something vital. Using our SI Tracker® will save you time which can then be spent on other tasks.
Don’t miss out on vital information – Our team monitors dozens of parliamentary and government sources each week so you don’t have to! All the information and papers about an SI are consolidated in one place so you can access the information quickly and flexibly across all your devices.
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Nibh tortor id aliquet lectus. Ut sem nulla pharetra diam sit. Sit amet volutpat consequat mauris nunc. Purus viverra accumsan in nisl. Ornare suspendisse sed nisi lacus sed viverra tellus in hac. Tellus rutrum tellus pellentesque eu tincidunt.
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% of total Coronavirus-related Statutory Instruments laid before Parliament each week • Duis at tellus at urna condimentum. Amet purus gravida quis blandit turpis cursus. Ac ut consequat semper viverra nam libero. Lorem dolor sed viverra ipsum. Dolor morbi non arcu risus quis varius quam quisque. Amet volutpat consequat mauris nunc congue nisi.
| Week commencing | % of total SIs laid before Parliament that are Coronavirus-related |
|---|---|
| 2 March 2020 | 4% |
| 9 March | 8% |
| 16 March | 12% |
| 23 March | 80% |
| 30 March | 54% |
| 6 April | 87% |
| 13 April | 80% |
| 20 April | 56% |
| 27 April | 69% |
| 4 May | 0% |
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Semper viverra nam libero quis varius • Duis at tellus at urna condimentum. Amet purus gravida quis blandit turpis cursus. Ac ut consequat semper viverra nam libero. Lorem dolor sed viverra ipsum. Dolor morbi non arcu risus quis varius quam quisque. Amet volutpat consequat mauris nunc congue nisi.
| Dictumst | Libero | Pellentesque | Viverra | Dictumst | Libero | Pellentesque | Viverra | Dictumst | Libero | Pellentesque | Viverra | Dictumst | Libero | Pellentesque | Viverra |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 223 | 2% | Arcu | -12 | 223 | 2% | Arcu | -12 | 223 | 2% | Arcu | -12 | 223 | 2% | Arcu | -12 |
| 54 | 18% | Quam | -5 | 54 | 18% | Quam | -5 | 54 | 18% | Quam | -5 | 54 | 18% | Quam | -5 |
| 23 | 12% | Varius | +16 | 23 | 12% | Varius | +16 | 23 | 12% | Varius | +16 | 23 | 12% | Varius | +16 |
| 675 | 55% | Risus | -3 | 675 | 55% | Risus | -3 | 675 | 55% | Risus | -3 | 675 | 55% | Risus | -3 |
| 13 | 64% | Non quis | -78 | 13 | 64% | Non quis | -78 | 13 | 64% | Non quis | -78 | 13 | 64% | Non quis | -78 |
| 854 | 9% | Morbi | +32 | 854 | 9% | Morbi | +32 | 854 | 9% | Morbi | +32 | 854 | 9% | Morbi | +32 |
| 38 | 88% | Dolor | +2 | 38 | 88% | Dolor | +2 | 38 | 88% | Dolor | +2 | 38 | 88% | Dolor | +2 |
| 223 | 2% | Arcu | -12 | 223 | 2% | Arcu | -12 | 223 | 2% | Arcu | -12 | 223 | 2% | Arcu | -12 |
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The UK Spending Review outlines how Government funds will be allocated over several years. Unlike the Budget, which raises revenue, the Review decides how it is spent. But how is it approved? What role does Parliament play if it doesn’t vote on the Review itself? This blog explores how the Spending Review works, how it differs from the Budget, and how Parliament holds the Government to account through the Estimates process.
The Hansard Society has long raised concerns about the Government's increasing tendency to present undeveloped legislation that lacks detailed policy and grants ministers broad delegated powers to fill in the gaps later. This practice undermines effective parliamentary scrutiny, by preventing MPs and Peers from fully assessing how powers may be used, (or misused), in the future. The weak system for overseeing delegated legislation—especially in the Commons—exacerbates the problem. Several powers in the Planning and Infrastructure Bill currently before Parliament highlight these ongoing issues.
The Prime Minister’s plan to cut international aid breaches the Government’s legal duty to meet the 0.7% spending target, raising constitutional concerns. Should an Act allow for premeditated non-compliance? Can a statutory duty imposed on Government by Parliament be overturned by a ministerial statement? And when a law’s purpose is abandoned, should it be amended or repealed? The fate of this Act exposes the flaws in declaratory legislation, weak parliamentary scrutiny, and executive dominance of Parliament.
Following a series of internal parliamentary party elections, the House of Commons nominated the members of its select committees last October. But what do the election results tell us about the makeup of the select committees? Are the parties represented proportionally? Are men and women equally represented? How many ethnic minority MPs were elected to committees? What role did parliamentary experience and the size of an MP's majority play?
The House of Commons recently held elections for the chairs of its select committees in the new Parliament. But how did this year's elections compare to those of previous years? Were they more competitive? How well were women and ethnic minority MPs represented among the candidates and winners? And what level of parliamentary experience do the newly elected chairs bring to the table?
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In this episode we speak with historian Jonathan Healey about one of the most extraordinary days in parliamentary history when King Charles I entered the Commons Chamber with soldiers aiming to arrest five MPs. This dramatic moment, vividly recounted in Healey’s new book The Blood in Winter, marked a crucial turning point toward civil war. We explore the power struggles, propaganda, and the geography that shaped the fate of a nation and the Westminster Parliament. Please help us by completing our Listener Survey. It will only take a few minutes.
Legal expert Joshua Rozenberg joins us this week to unpack the legal and constitutional ramifications of one of the most troubling intersections of government secrecy, national security, and parliamentary accountability in recent memory. Thousands of Afghans who had worked with British forces were placed at risk of Taliban revenge attacks after a catastrophic government data leak in 2022 exposed their details. In response, ministers secured a “super-injunction” – so secret that even its existence could not be reported – effectively silencing public debate and preventing parliamentary scrutiny for almost two years. The breach, only revealed this week, led to a covert resettlement scheme which has already cost taxpayers millions of pounds. Please help us by completing our Listener Survey. It will only take a few minutes.
In our 100th episode, we take stock of Parliament one year after the 2024 general election. With a fractured opposition, a dominant Labour government, and a House of Commons still governed by rules designed for a two-party system, how well is this new Parliament really functioning? Please help us by completing our Listener Survey. It will only take a few minutes.
It’s been a bruising week for the Government, as a Labour backbench revolt forced ministers to gut their own welfare reforms live in the House of Commons. We explore why Sir Keir Starmer appears to have such a poor grip on parliamentary management. Plus, House of Lords reform expert Professor Meg Russell explains why the hereditary peers bill may be a once-in-a-generation chance to tackle deeper issues — like curbing prime ministerial patronage and reducing the bloated size of the upper chamber. And in Dorking, faith and politics collide over assisted dying. Please help us by completing our Listener Survey. It will only take a few minutes.
Our evidence on treaty scrutiny has been published by the House of Lords International Agreements Committee. Our submission outlines the problems with the existing framework for treaty scrutiny and why legislative and cultural change are needed to improve Parliament's scrutiny role. Our evidence joins calls for a parliamentary consent vote for the most significant agreements, a stronger role for Parliament in shaping negotiating mandates and monitoring progress, and a sifting committee tasked with determining which agreements warrant the greatest scrutiny.
