Publications / Guides

The Parliament Act 1911: A procedural guide

24 Mar 2024
©UK Parliament
©UK Parliament

The Parliament Act 1911 is one of the UK's most important constitutional laws. It removed the veto of the House of Lords over legislation (subject to certain conditions) and has been central ever since to the centuries-old debate about the proper role of the House of Lords in our democratic system.

Last updated: 26 January 2026 [insertion of new section, Does the Parliament Act apply to Private Members Bills?] _____

The Parliament Act 1911 (later amended by the Parliament Act 1949), removed the veto of the House of Lords over legislation.

Subject to certain conditions described below, the House of Commons can invoke the Parliament Act procedures to present legislation for Royal Assent without the approval of the House of Lords.

Section 2 of the 1911 Act required a Bill which was not a 'Money Bill' to have been passed by the House of Commons in two successive parliamentary Sessions before, in the third Session, if the House of Commons passed it yet again in identical form, the procedures could be applied. The Parliament Act 1949 reduced this so that the procedures could be applied in the second, rather than the third, Session. That was the only substantive change made by the 1949 Act.

No, the Parliament Act procedures apply only to Public Bills – that is Bills that change the general law. They cannot be applied to Private Bills (legislation which only applies to specific individuals or organisations rather than the general public).

However, the procedures do not apply to a Public Bill which:

  • was first introduced in the House of Lords rather than the House of Commons;

  • attempts to prolong the duration of a Parliament (the period between two general elections) beyond five years.

Private Members Bills (PMBs) are a form of Public Bill, distinguished by the fact that they are introduced by backbenchers rather than by the Government. On 20 April 1911, during the Committee Stage of the Parliament Bill, Alexander Thynne MP tabled an amendment to limit the scope of the Act to Public Bills “introduced by a Minister on behalf of His Majesty’s Government”, thereby excluding Private Members Bills. The Solicitor General, Sir John Simon, rejected this restriction, stating that the unamended Bill was “capable of applying to… a Bill introduced in one session by a private member and in the next by the government.” The House of Commons subsequently defeated Thynne’s amendment, making clear its intention that the Parliament Act should not be confined to Government Bills but should also extend, in principle, to Private Members Bills. However, the Government in 1911 assumed that, in practice, it would normally be Ministers, rather than backbenchers, who would reintroduce such a Bill in a subsequent Session, formally adopting it as a Government Bill in order to invoke the Parliament Act. Consistent with that assumption, the Parliament Act procedures have to date been used only for Government Bills, since it would require an unusual, though not impossible, combination of procedural and political circumstances for a Private Member’s Bill that had not been taken over by the Government to be enacted using those procedures.

There are two key elements to the Act:

  • the procedures that relate to Money Bills, which are engaged regularly during a parliamentary Session; and

  • the procedures that relate to other Public Bills (with the two exceptions) which have been used only rarely since the Act was passed in 1911.

Money Bills are legislation that relate to government expenditure and taxation—for example, the Supply and Appropriation Bills that authorise government spending on its policies.

A Finance Bill may sometimes qualify as a Money Bill but more often does not because of the inclusion of matters like tax administration.

Section 1(2) of the Act gives an extensive definition of what counts as a Money Bill.

If a Bill that the Commons Speaker has certified as a Money Bill passes the House of Commons, and is not then passed by the House of Lords within a month of it being received, it can be sent for Royal Assent without the Lords’ approval.

Money Bills cannot be amended by the House of Lords.

Section 2 of the Act applies to all other types of Public Bills (with the two exceptions described above). However, the Parliament Act procedures can be invoked in relation to these Bills only if certain conditions are met.

The conditions which must be met before the Parliament Act Section 2 procedures can be used are:

  • That the House of Lords has failed to pass a bill sent to it in “identical” form in two successive Sessions. That means:

    • either that the Bill has been rejected outright by the House of Lords on its Second or Third Reading; or

    • that it did not complete its passage in the House of Lords; or (most commonly) that the Lords has insisted on amendments that the House of Commons refuses to accept.

  • That at least one calendar year has elapsed between the date in the first Session that the House of Commons gave the Bill its Second Reading and the date in the second successive Session that the Commons gave the Bill its Third Reading.

  • That the House of Lords received the Bill from the House of Commons at least one month before the end of the two successive parliamentary Sessions.

  • That the Bill does not change between the two Sessions. There are two exceptions to this final condition:

    • changes that are necessary because of the time elapsed during the process are permitted.

    • changes may be made to reflect amendments made by the House of Lords in the first Session, even if they were not agreed by the House of Commons. The choice to incorporate changes made by the House of Lords in the first Session is at the Government's discretion. There is no requirement for the Government to do so.

The Parliament Act also allows the Government to send a separate package of amendments that could be made to the Bill to the House of Lords when it is sent to them in the second Session. This enables the areas in which it the Commons is prepared to compromise with the Lords to be made clear – if the Lords agree to these suggested amendments and no others then the Parliament Act procedures need not be used. If the House of Lords go beyond the suggested compromises, then the Commons still retains the right to invoke the procedures.

In effect these conditions mean that a Bill must have been delayed by the House of Lords for at least 13 months (across two Sessions) for the Parliament Act procedures to be invoked.

Before a Bill can receive Royal Assent using the Parliament Act procedures, the Speaker of the House of Commons has to certify that the conditions listed above have been met.

The Commons may expressly resolve that the procedures are not to be used even if the conditions have been met.

But there is a complication. It is far from clear in what circumstances the House of Lords can be deemed to have done enough for the Speaker to certify that they have “rejected” the bill in the second Session – unless they have voted against it on its Second or Third Reading.

If all the necessary conditions listed above have been met, then when the Bill goes to the House of Lords in the second Session they have the option of agreeing it (possibly with the inclusion of suggested amendments). If they do so before the end of the Session, then it goes for Royal Assent in the usual way. But if they fail to agree it by the end of the Session (or reject it outright on Second or Third reading, or make amendments without the scope of any suggested compromise), then under the Parliament Act the House of Commons can ask for the Bill to be sent back and then present it for Royal Assent without the agreement of the House of Lords.

If this happens, then there is a special 'enacting formula' (the words of which are set out in Section 4(1) of the Parliament Act) which must be included at the beginning of the Act to indicate the circumvention of the agreement of the House of Lords.

The Labour Government's concern for the fate of its post-war nationalisation programme led the Attlee Government to produce its own Parliament Bill to reduce the House of Lords suspensory veto from three Sessions to two. The Parliament Bill was passed by the House of Commons in 1947 but only received Royal Assent in December 1949 under the terms of the 1911 Parliament Act.

The citation clause of the 1949 Act says: “This Act and the Parliament Act 1911, shall be construed as one and may be cited together as the Parliament Acts 1911 and 1949 …”. This has led many into the error of referring to “the Parliament Acts”. However, the only need for construing the two Acts together is the temporary retrospective effect of the 1949 Act for the new and reduced two Session rejection requirement to be applied to any Bill that had already started its parliamentary career, even before the 1949 Act received Royal Assent.

Once that provision had ceased to be needed (and it was in fact never used) the double citation (the use of the word "may" indicates this was contingent rather than mandatory) ceased to be necessary, and the correct usage would seem logically to be simply the Parliament Act (singular, as it is for any other Act that has been subsequently amended).

Unfortunately, in 1999 when the Act was used the solecism of referring in the enacting words to “the provisions of the Parliament Acts 1911 and 1949” crept in, an error which was repeated in 2000 and 2004 and has been incorporated by an over-zealous editor into the text of the online 1911 Act on legislation.gov.uk.

Section 1 of the Parliament Act relating to Money Bills is applied regularly and usually without any controversy.

Section 2 has been used only seven times since 1911 to secure passage of:

On three occasions (for one of which see our account of the Aircraft and Shipbuilding Industries Bill in 1976), Bills have been introduced in a second successive parliamentary Session to potentially allow the Parliament Acts to be used — only for the House of Lords to agree to the Bills, thus making use of the procedures unnecessary.

However, the existence of the Parliament Act procedures means that the House of Lords, knowing that they can ultimately be excluded from the process of making the law, will often back down in the first Session. It is not possible accurately to estimate how often this reserve power might have had this effect.

News / Parliament Matters Bulletin: What’s coming up in Parliament this week? 16-20 March 2026

The Defence Secretary, John Healey, will face questions from MPs. The Grenfell Tower (Memorial Expenditure) Bill and the Ministerial Salaries (Amendment) Bill will be fast-tracked through all their Commons stages in a single day. MPs will debate online safety, an e-petition calling for automatic by-elections when MPs defect to another party, and the Conservative Party will choose the Opposition Day debate. The Justice Committee will hear from the Victims’ Commissioner on the Courts and Tribunals Bill, the Public Accounts Committee will question officials about the Restoration and Renewal of the Palace of Westminster, and experts will give evidence on the Representation of the People Bill. In the Lords, Peers will continue scrutiny of the Crime and Policing, Pensions Schemes, and Finance (No. 2) Bills. Lord Arbuthnot will ask about Fujitsu contributing to compensation in the Post Office Horizon case, and Peers will debate terrorism, abortion, AI, and assisted dying.

15 Mar 2026
Read more

News / Jury trials under threat? The Courts and Tribunals Bill explained - Parliament Matters podcast, Episode 136

Plans to restrict the right to a jury trial have cleared their Second Reading in the Commons, but the proposals in the Courts and Tribunals Bill face growing resistance, including from Labour rebels. We discuss the legal and constitutional implications with barrister Lord Macdonald of River Glaven, examining what the reforms could mean for defendants’ rights and the criminal courts system. We also assess the passage of legislation removing hereditary Peers from Parliament, and the late compromise that eased opposition in the House of Lords. Meanwhile Sir Lindsay Hoyle clashes with the Chief Whip over delays in the division lobby, and newly released papers on Peter Mandelson’s Washington appointment raise fresh political questions. Listen and subscribe: Apple Podcasts · Spotify · Acast · YouTube · Other apps · RSS

13 Mar 2026
Read more

Briefings / Last-minute powers and limited scrutiny: Parliament and the risks of consigning online safety law to delegated legislation

Two late-stage government amendments to the Crime and Policing Bill and the Children’s Wellbeing and Schools Bill would grant Ministers significant powers to reshape key parts of the Online Safety Act through delegated legislation. While the policy goals may attract support, the method raises serious constitutional concerns about parliamentary scrutiny and accountability. Using these amendments as a case study, this briefing explores the risks of relying on regulations to make policy and explains how the Hansard Society’s proposed reforms to the delegated legislation scrutiny system could better balance governmental flexibility with democratic oversight.

09 Mar 2026
Read more

News / Is the assisted dying bill being filibustered? - Parliament Matters podcast, Episode 135

Debate over the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill has been so slow in the House of Lords that opponents of the Bill are accused of deliberately running down the clock. Conservative Peer Lord Harper rejects claims of filibustering, arguing that Peers are undertaking necessary scrutiny of a flawed and complex bill. He contends the legislation lacks adequate safeguards and was unsuited to the Private Member’s Bill process and discusses whether MPs might attempt to revive it in a future parliamentary Session. Listen and subscribe: Apple Podcasts · Spotify · Acast · YouTube · Other apps · RSS

10 Mar 2026
Read more

Blog / The Backbench Business Committee 15 years on: Has it given backbench MPs a stronger voice in the House of Commons?

Fifteen years after its creation, the Backbench Business Committee has become an important mechanism through which MPs can secure debates and raise issues in the House of Commons. Drawing on new research analysing debate transcripts and interviews with MPs, Ministers and officials, this blogpost analyses the Committee’s impact on parliamentary agenda-setting and cross-party campaigning. It highlights how the Committee has transformed opportunities for backbenchers while identifying ongoing challenges around participation, transparency and the Committee’s potential role in representing backbench interests more broadly.

07 Mar 2026
Read more